限制移民的代价

中明出国网-移民频道 (转载)发表于 2008-08-03 23:04:11查看更多| 点击:3| 评论:0

相关标签: 移民
涉及国家:

人类不喜欢外来者:历史上堆满了因种族、宗教和国籍而被私刑处死、被刺刀刺死或者被毒气熏死的人的尸体。甚至在相对文明的经济关系领域,也存在着很大的歧视空间。即便在世界上最富裕的国家,人们也会因为种族或性别而挣得比别人少。

举例来说,经济学家迈克尔•克莱门斯 (michael clemens)、克劳迪奥•蒙特内格罗(claudio montenegro)和兰特•普里切特(lant pritchett)最近在一份摘要中表示,美国白人男性的收入比白人女性高27%。这一数据比较的是资历相似的全职工人的时薪。同样,通过对条件相似的人进行比较,这些经济学家发现,美国白人男性的收入比黑人男性高7%。回顾1939年,条件相似的美国白人比黑人的工资高60%。与此同时,在现在的巴基斯坦,男性的收入是资历相同的女性的3倍。这些数字没有一个是微不足道的:大多数都令人震惊。

我们甚至有可能计算一下美国奴隶的隐性工资损失——不过,或许只有经济学家才会认为这个问题有意义。几位经济学家已经尝试了这么做:他们将奴隶获得的“报酬”——食物、衣服、住房、可能还有一些医疗服务,与一个奴隶主向另一个奴隶主租用奴隶的租金进行了比较。当然,低工资几乎不能算是奴隶制是一种暴政的主要原因。不过,如果奴隶的劳动所得能达到奴隶主支付的租金水平,那么他们的工资就会比奴隶主认为适合提供的基本生活保障高出3至4倍。

奴隶们在自由劳动力市场本应获得的收入,与他们实际上被迫接受的收入之间存在巨大差距。但令这一差距相形见绌的是,在尼日利亚出生、在尼日利亚接受教育的人在尼日利亚正规部门工作获得的收入,与他获准在富裕国家工作可能获得的收入之间的差距——超过8倍之多。尼日利亚是个极端的例子,但还有很多其它国家,只要允许到富国工作,其个人收入就会增加3到4倍。移民限制造成的工资损失,比种族和性别歧视更大——或许甚至比奴隶制还大。这就是克莱门斯和他的同事所说的“巨大歧视”。

这份研究报告无疑附加了政治意图:普里切特大力提倡更自由的移民规定。抛开政治意图不谈,我认为没有理由去怀疑报告中的数字。来自非常贫穷国家的移民若能进入富裕国家工作,他们的工资会大幅跃升——这是显而易见的。问题是,富裕国家的选民们是否认为在道义上有义务考虑这些利益。迄今为止,他们不这么认为。

经济学家们习惯于“戳人痛处”。4年前,由于将副总统候选人约翰•爱德华兹(john edwards)称为“仇外者”(xenophobe),《买房子还是买股票》(the armchair economist)一书的作者史蒂文•兰兹伯格(steven landsburg)招致了恶名。他认为,爱德华兹的保护主义观点人为地赋予了美国人比外国人更多的特权,这并不比人为地让白人比黑人拥有更多特权更好。不是经济学家的人很少以这种方式看待问题。

经济学家们总是倾向于对种族、性别和国籍的差异视而不见。1849年,托马斯•卡莱尔(thomas carlyle)曾将经济学称为“沉闷的科学”,因为经济学竭力主张,由供需决定的市场工资优于奴隶制度和卡莱尔所称的“善行鞭”(beneficent whip)。但卡莱尔的观点如今打上了“令人生厌”的烙印。

我不知道我们的后代将如何看待移民障碍,但障碍给困在另一侧的人带来的成本却值得我们反思,哪怕只是片刻。

英文原文:

the cost of curbs on immigration

humans don''t take kindly to outsiders: history is heaped with the corpses of those who were lynched, bayoneted or gassed because of their race, religion or nationality. even within the relatively civilised sphere of economic relations, there is plenty of room for discrimination. people earn less because of their race or their sex, even in the richest countries in the world.

for example, according to a recent summary by the economists michael clemens, claudio montenegro and lant pritchett, white men earn 27 per cent more in the us than white women. that figure compares the hourly wage of full-time workers with similar qualifications and experience. again making best efforts to compare like with like, the economists found that white men earn 7 per cent more than black men in the us. look back to 1939, and the like-with-like wage premium for whites in the us was 60 per cent. in modern pakistan, meanwhile, men earn three times as much as equally qualified women. none of these numbers is trivial: most are appalling.

it is even possible – although perhaps only an economist would think it pertinent – to calculate the implicit wage loss suffered by us slaves. several economists have attempted to do this by comparing the “compensation” – food, clothes, shelter and perhaps some medical care – received by slaves with how much one slave-owner would pay another to rent a slave. of course, low wages were hardly the chief reason that slavery was an atrocity. yet had slaves earned for their labour what slave-owners paid each other for it, the wage would have been three or four times higher than the basic subsistence owners saw fit to provide.

there is a huge gap between what slaves would have earned in a free labour market and what in fact they were forced to accept. but the gap is dwarfed by the difference between what a nigerian-born, nigerian-educated man could earn in the formal sector in nigeria, and what he could earn if allowed to work in a rich country – more than eight times as much. nigeria is an extreme example, but there are many other countries in which all that would be needed to quadruple or quintuple a person''s income would be permission to work in a rich country. restrictions on immigration cause a greater loss of wages than racial and sexual discrimination – and perhaps greater even than slavery. this is what clemens and his colleagues call “the great discrimination”.

this is unquestionably a research paper with an agenda: lant pritchett is a vocal advocate of more liberal immigration rules. despite the agenda, i see no reason to doubt the numbers. migrants from very poor countries see huge leaps in wages if allowed to move to wealthy countries – that much is obvious. the question is whether voters in wealthy countries feel morally obliged to take those gains into account. so far, they don''t.

economists have a habit of poking these sore points. steven landsburg, author of the armchair economist, secured notoriety four years ago by labelling the vice-presidential candidate john edwards a “xenophobe”, arguing that his protectionism arbitrarily privileged americans over foreigners and was no better than arbitrarily privileging whites over blacks. few non-economists see things that way.

economists have always tended to be blind to distinctions of race, sex and nationality. in 1849, thomas carlyle branded economics “the dismal science” for its insistence that a market wage set by supply and demand was superior to slavery and what carlyle called the “beneficent whip”. his view is now rightly branded abhorrent.

i have no idea how immigration barriers will be viewed by our descendants. but it is worth reflecting, if only for a moment, on the costs they impose on those trapped on the other side.



来源:金融时报(提姆•哈福德)
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